I thought it impossible for the liberty-loving American to not easily conclude that our country is now a certified quasi-socialist state. I am correct in the assumption that the tenets of socialism are completely incompatible with a Democratic Republic.  I never thought it would take so much time for this conclusion to be reached by the informed, un-indoctrinated American. However, those people in that category are in the extreme minority. I make no political party distinction when trying determine the percentage of useful idiots who have bought into our political system in which the political actors utilize class, race, and gender warfare to achieve their goals of progressing the socialist state.  There’s no distinction here regarding political parties. Both Democrat and Republican parties are guilty of unknowingly establishing America as a socialist state. All of these parties of political actors and citizens are responsible for the demise of the American Republic. I forgive them.

However, I do not forgive those who wage war against freedom and liberty for the sake of economic, social, and environmental justice. One such group would be pubic union members, their leaders, and the political actors who have produced and staged their play, “War on American Freedom”. In all of my reading about American history, one subject has captivated my attention incessantly – the infiltration by certain anti-freedom agents in all of America’s once great institutions.

So several years I came across information that provided some very intriguing insights on the methods and means in which free societies become captive to small groups. I ask you to read the following information presented and you will immediately understand the point I’m making. I deleted a particular word or phrase and replaced with a blank spot. As you read, replace the eliminated space with the word or phrase Democrat or Democratic Party. It will strike you as very applicable to the current state of affairs in today’s America. Then you may begin to understand the play we currently find ourselves the audience of. Actually, this reading would provide a great lesson on how to deal effectively with the public unions, who continue to make unrealistic demands on the American taxpayer. At the end of reading this, please click on the link below it and you will see how the public union members have had their own ignorance used against them to promote another agenda.

The Organizational Structure of the ___________, the Methods and Content of Their Work

  • In the period prior to open revolutionary insurrection, revolutionary propaganda and agitation is one of our most important tasks. For the most part, however, this work is still prepared and carried out in the old-established formal manner and is limited to occasional interventions in mass meetings, without any special attention being given to the actual revolutionary content of speeches and pamphlets.
  • ___________ propaganda and agitation must take root in the proletarian milieu. It must grow out of the actual life of the workers, their common interests and aspirations and, above all, their common struggle.
  • The most important aspect of ______________  propaganda is its revolutionary content. The slogans and the positions taken on concrete questions in different situations must always be carefully considered from this standpoint. The ___________ will not be capable of adopting the correct position on every question unless the fun-time propagandists and agitators and all members of the Party are given a thorough and continuous political education.
  • The main forms of ___________  propaganda and agitation are as follows: verbal propaganda on an individual level, participation in the trade-union and political workers’ movement, and the Party press and Party literature.
  • Propaganda must be adapted to the understanding of the workers who are not yet revolutionary but are beginning to be radicalised, and must make the revolutionary movement comprehensible and accessible to them.
  • ___________  make a grave mistake if they stand back passively, are scornful of or oppose the day-to-day struggle of the workers for small improvements in the conditions of their life…Our agitational activity should not give the impression that we ___________stir up strikes just for the sake of it and approve of any kind of rash action. On the contrary, we must earn the reputation among the militant workers of being their most valuable comrades-in-arms.
  • with a theoretical and principled opposition to all wage agreements, the ___________should fight the actual provisions of the agreements put forward…Anything that hinders proletarian militancy must be condemned and vigorously opposed; and, as is well known, the capitalists…are trying to use wage agreements to tie the hands of the militant workers. It is clearly the duty of the ___________to explain this to the workers. However, as a general rule, the ___________can expose the capitalists most effectively by counterposing a wage agreement which does not tie the workers.
  • As regards sickness benefit schemes etc., the ___________could, for example, demand the abolition of the contributory system, and of all the conditions that restrict the voluntary benefit system. If some members of the benefit system still wanted to insure themselves against illness by paying contributions we should not simply forbid them to do so as our reasons would be misunderstood. We would first have to conduct a great deal of propaganda work at the individual level to free members of petty-bourgeois aspirations.
  • In the struggle against the social-democratic and other petty-bourgeois leaders of the trade unions and the various workers’ parties there is no hope of achieving anything by persuasion. The struggle against them has to be organised with great persistence. It can only be waged successfully by depriving the leaders of their followers and by showing the workers the real role the social-traitor leaders play at the beck and call of the capitalists. Therefore, when the opportunity arises, these leaders should be put in a position where they have to show their true nature; then a vigorous attack can be launched against them…
  • ___________must learn how to draw the unorganised and politically uneducated workers into the Party’s permanent sphere of influence. Our cells and fractions must persuade these workers to join the trade unions and read our Party press. Other working-class organisations can be used to spread our influence: consumer co-operatives, disabled ex-servicemen’s organisations, educational unions and study groups, sports associations, theatrical groups, etc.
  • …for a ___________Party there is never a situation in which political activity is impossible. Organisational strategy and tactics must be developed so that ___________can take advantage in an organised manner of every political and economic situation and of every development.
  • However weak a Party is, it can always turn big political events or large-scale strikes which shake the entire economic life of the country to its advantage by organising and carrying out systematic and practical propaganda. If a Party decides upon such a course of action, it should enthusiastically involve all its members and all sections of the Party in the campaign…
  • Protest actions require a very flexible and selfless leadership which does not lose sight of its aim for a moment and is capable of deciding when the protest has won the maximum gains or when there is a possibility of intensifying the campaign by organising mass stoppages or even mass strikes.
  • Party workers must be placed at regular intervals in the crowd of demonstrators so that Party members can keep in contact with one another and regularly receive the necessary political instructions. If such a flexible and politically organised leadership is set up there will be more chance of organising a second demonstration or using the demonstration to start a broad mass campaign.
  • The organisations must provide the press with a continuous stream of up-to-date and suitable material and must make sure that the editors continue to reflect the progress of the fight in their pages.
  • If the ___________Party is attempting to gain the leadership of the masses at a time when political and economic conflict is leading to mass action and struggle, it is not necessary to advance a series of demands. Instead, the Party can appeal directly to the members of the Socialist Parties and trade unions not to shrink from the battles against their poverty and their increasing exploitation at the hands of the bosses even if the bureaucratic leaders are against action.
  • The ___________must demonstrate day in, day out that without a fight the working class can never hope to win a tolerable standard of living and that even though this is the case the established organisations are attempting to avoid or prevent working-class struggles.
  • The cells and fractions of the unions and factories which have been drawn into the struggle must not only maintain permanent organisational links with each other, but must also rely on the district committees and the central administration to arrange for officials and Party workers to join the movement immediately and work with those in struggle to extend, strengthen, centralise and unite it.
  • Should the bureaucratic strike leaders abandon the struggle prematurely, well-timed efforts should be made to replace them with ___________, who can give the struggle a firm and decisive leadership.
  • The ___________paper must concern itself first and foremost with the interests of the exploited and militant workers. It must be our best propagandist and agitator, the leading advocate of the proletarian revolution.
  • At times of potential political and economic crises which affect the broad working masses through high prices, unemployment etc.,  ___________,must make skilful propaganda around these issues…

So who do you think is the most responsible for the nature of public unions today? Click here!